Showing posts with label Media Effects Theory. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Media Effects Theory. Show all posts

Monday, 31 January 2011

Moral Panics

Aims
·    understand the term moral panic;
·    understand the process of deviancy amplification;
·    be able to apply examples of moral panics;
·    structure an essay on this topic.



Through prophesying trouble they create it and, additionally, amplify any deviance which may already exist

News and other factual programmes, by giving publicity to trouble spots and potential violence, actually cause that violence and trouble to occur. When this happens there has been a self-fulfilling prophecy.

The apartheid South African government argued that this was occurring in its country and as a result introduced legislation which censored domestic and foreign media coverage of popular unrest there.

It also placed restrictions on the movement of journalists around the country. The presence of the media encouraged the rioting because dissidents knew they would have an audience, the argument ran.

It was in recognition of this effect that British news editors some years ago decided to stop reporting a spate of bomb hoaxes (copycat) which were plaguing airline companies.

It was felt that the hoaxers were gaining satisfaction from the reports of their actions (planes delayed, searches of aircraft etc.). The number of hoaxes was dramatically reduced following this decision.

There are tales of camera crews, in search of good pictures, deliberately inciting violence so that they could get them, In Northern Ireland too there are said to have been occasions when foreign camera crews have encouraged young Catholic boys to throw stones at the army in front of the cameras.

The process of self fulfilling prophecy occurs like this:


A small group of people commit some act of deviance




The media’s news values pick up on an ‘interesting’ story: a problem group is identified.

The media produce headlines, stories, and photographs to interest readers and viewers

To maintain readers’ interests, original deviance is amplified through exagerated and sensationalised reporting. Causes are simplified for easy explanation.

The group is labelled as folk devils and stereotyping occurs.

More deviance occurs as people become more aware of it as a result of the media’s interest, and seek it out for excitement.

A moral panic develops. Public concern is aroused at the real or imaginery ‘threat’ to society; the media campaign for ‘action’ to be taken against this perceived threat


order is restored by police, courts and (sometimes) new legislation

Thus the mass media, almost single-handed, have created deviance out of little on nothing and, by predicting that something is going to happen, have made it happen. Consider reporters at an England football match or the Mayday protests

Academic studies of this process occurring include Stan Cohen's Folk Devils and Moral Panics and Jock Young's The Drugtakers, though these both deal with events of some years ago.

The former showed how Mods and Rockers were virtually created by the media through largely fictional accounts of violent incidents at South Coast resorts.

The latter demonstrated how Notting Hill marijuana users were criminalised and forced into greater deviance by media exaggeration of their behaviour and lifestyle and subsequent police action against them.

More recently media coverage of hippy convoys' travelling to Stonehenge to celebrate the summer solstice, travellers moving in convoys around the country and ‘raves' in countryside locations led to increased public concern and subsequently police act on.

These events had previously been peaceful, though drugs were usually involved. However the police intervention led to violent confrontation and conflict.

In effect a problem was created where there had not been one before, and of course this too was reported by the media, further fuelling public concerns.

Folk devil/moral panic

Folk devil: A group or an individual popularly represented as evil and a threat to society.
Hall et al. define a moral panic as happening when the official reaction to a person, groups of persons or series of events is out of all proportion to the actual threat offered'.
          



Deviancy amplification

The process by which the amount or seriousness of deviancy is increased through the reporting of it and the subsequent actions which are taken by the police or other agencies and response by ‘deviants'. What is amplified is the reported deviance, the social reaction and the actual deviance that results from this.

Self-fulfilling prophecy

The process by which an event is caused to occur by the fact that a predic­tion is made that it will occur.

Are there any similar examples of the self-fulfilling prophecy and deviancy amplification by the media that have occurred more recently? In thinking about this you should look for:
·        detailed descriptions in the media of some deviant person or group;
·        description of some trouble that they have caused in the past;
·        a prediction of when and where they are likely to cause trouble.



A moral panic can be recognised in the intensity of feeling expressed by a large number of people about a specific group of people who appear to threaten the social order at a given time. These people become ‘folk-devils', about whom 'something needs to be done'. This 'something' usually takes the form of increased social control, which might mean stricter laws, longer sentences, heavier fines and increased policing of specific areas. After the imposition of these new controls, the panic subsides until a new one emerges. It is interesting to analyse the contexts of moral panics because they invariably occur when powerful interests groups in society are facing troubled times (Goode and Ben-Yehuda, 1994).


Characteristics of a moral panic
Most societies at some time have been gripped by a moral panic and we need to know how to recognise one when it occurs. Sociologists are interested in the development of issues into moral panics.

It is important to consider who actually has the power, if power is the appropriate term here, to define the event as a moral panic. We also have to decide at what point concern about a specific phenomenon becomes a moral panic. What are its major characteristics? Can we know that we have experienced one only after the event?
We can at least find some common ground on what constitutes a moral panic. Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994) outline what they see as the five main features of a moral panic: concern, hostility, consensus, disproportionality and volatility.


Concern
There must be awareness that the behaviour of a particular group or category is likely to have negative consequences for the rest of society. This gives rise to public concern, which may be shown through public opinion polls and, significantly, through media coverage.


Hostility
There must be increased hostility directed at this group, and they may be referred to as the enemy of respectable society. They become 'folk­devils' and a clear division opens between 'them', the threateners, and us', the threatened.


Consensus
There must be fairly widespread acceptance that the threat posed by this group is a very real one to the rest of society. The consensus does not necessarily have to be nationwide, but it is important that the moral entrepreneurs are vocal and that the voices of the opposition are weak and disorganised.


Disproportionality
It is implicit in the term 'disproportionality' that the societal reaction to the event is out of proportion. In a moral panic the public is given evidence in the form of statistics, which are often wildly exaggerated. Furthermore the statistics for drug addiction, attacks, victims, injuries, illnesses and so on are disproportionate to the actual threat exercised by the group or category.


Volatility
Moral panics, as the term implies, are volatile. Any moral panic has a limited 'shelf life', although it might lie dormant for a long period of time and might also reappear during different historical periods. (The panic over satanic ritual abuse in the 1980s had Medieval antecedents in witchcraft accusations and trials.) In general they erupt suddenly and just as quickly subside. However, irrespective of whether or not there is a long-term impact, the public hostility generated during a moral panic is relatively short-lived: it is difficult to sustain antagonism at fever pitch for any length of time, public interest may wane or the news agenda setters may change the focus of attention.


Questions
Examine 'volatility'. Think back to a recent moral panic:

1  Who or what was it focused on?

2.     What was the eventual outcome? (For example was there a legal change as a result of it?)


Moral panics occur most frequently in societies that are modern or undergoing modernisation; when this is the case, they may serve as a means of both strengthening and redrawing the moral boundaries in those societies. 'When a society's moral boundaries are sharp, clear and secure, and the central norms and values are strongly held by nearly everyone, moral panics rarely grip its members - nor do they need to' (Ben-Yehuda, 1985).

Monday, 18 October 2010

Endcoder decoder model

Stuart Hall           Encoding Decoding Model

1 Media Studies tends to focus on one of three key areas.
Institution
Who produces the text and why. Questions we might ask are what social background are the producers or what budget do they have.
Content
This is where we study the Media Text itself. We might explore genre or narrative or representation.
Audience
Here we are interested upon who the audience are and what impact the text might have upon them.
2 All those who make media texts can be referred to as encoders. Encoders create meaning. When they produce a media text they do so with an assumption of how the text will be understood.
3 The audience all take meaning out of a text. When we watch a film or listen to music we decode the meaning. We try and understand what the encoder is trying to communicate. We can therefore refer to the audience as decoders.
4 As we know all signs are polysemic, therefore all media texts are polysemic. As we are all individuals we must therefore decode media texts in different ways. Stuart hall suggests there are 4 ways in which Media Texts are decoded. We can say that the audience can read/decode a text in one of the following ways.
4 Decoding possibilities
  • Dominant reading: the reader fully shares the text’s code and accepts and reproduces the preferred reading.
  • Negotiated reading: the reader partly shares the text’s code and broadly accepts the dominant reading, but sometimes resists and modifies it in a way that reflects their own position, experiences, and interests.
  • Oppositional reading: the reader is in a social situation that places him or her in direct opposition to the dominant code. The reader understands the dominant reading but does not share the text’s code and rejects the reading, bringing to bear an alternative frame of reference.
  • Aberrant reading: the reader is unable to take the meaning that the encoder put into the text. There is a gap (dissonance) between the cultural assumptions of the encoder and the cultural context of the decoder. They just don’t get it.
5 Media Producers (encoders) will often want their audience to take the dominant reading. To ensure a text is less polysemic and less open to multiple meanings they may try and anchor meaning.
6 Encoders need to talk to their audience in the appropriate way. We call this the Mode of Address. Generally encoders will make assumptions about the decoders’ (audience) knowledge, interests and understanding of the world and encode their texts accordingly. Those assumptions are cultural and can have an impact upon the audience.
Consider girls’ magazines.
7  The assumed language and points of reference an encoder uses to connect with an assumed target audience is known as the ‘Public Idiom.’


Uses and Gratifications

Uses and Gratifications Model
Blumler & Katz     1974
McQuail                1987
One influential tradition in media research is referred to as 'uses and gratifications'.
This approach focuses on why people use particular media rather than on content.
In contrast to the concern of the 'media effects' tradition with 'what media do to people' (which assumes a homogeneous mass audience and a 'hypodermic' view of media), U & G can be seen as part of a broader trend amongst media researchers which is more concerned with 'what people do with media', allowing for a variety of responses and interpretations.

U & G theorists argue that people's needs influence how they use and respond to a medium. Zillmann (cited by McQuail 1987: 236) has shown the influence of mood on media choice: boredom encourages the choice of exciting content and stress encourages a choice of relaxing content. The same TV programme may gratify different needs for different individuals. Different needs are associated with individual personalities, stages of maturation, backgrounds and social roles. Developmental factors seem to be related to some motives for purposeful viewing: e.g. Judith van Evra argues that young children may be particularly likely to watch TV in search of information and hence more susceptible to influence (Evra 1990: 177, 179).
An empirical study in the U & G tradition might typically involve audience members completing a questionnaire about why they watch a TV programme. Denis McQuail the following typology of common reasons for media use:
Information
§  finding out about relevant events and conditions in immediate surroundings, society and the world
§  seeking advice on practical matters or opinion and decision choices
§  satisfying curiosity and general interest
§  learning; self-education
§  gaining a sense of security through knowledge
Personal Identity
§  finding reinforcement for personal values
§  finding models of behaviour
§  identifying with valued other (in the media)
§  gaining insight into one's self
Integration and Social Interaction
§  gaining insight into circumstances of others; social empathy
§  identifying with others and gaining a sense of belonging
§  finding a basis for conversation and social interaction
§  having a substitute for real-life companionship
§  helping to carry out social roles
§  enabling one to connect with family, friends and society
Entertainment
§  escaping, or being diverted, from problems
§  relaxing
§  getting intrinsic cultural or aesthetic enjoyment
§  filling time
§  emotional release
§  sexual arousal

Further work
James Lull (1990: 35-46) offers a typology of the social uses of television based on ethnographic research.
Social Uses of Television
Structural
§  Environmental: background noise; companionship; entertainment
§  Regulative: punctuation of time and activity; talk patterns
Relational
§  Communication Facilitation: Experience illustration; common ground; conversational entrance; anxiety reduction; agenda for talk; value clarification
§  Affiliation/Avoidance: Physical, verbal contact/neglect; family solidarity; family relaxant; conflict reduction; relationhip maintenance
§  Social Learning: Decision-making; behaviour modelling; problem-solving; value transmission; legitimization; information dissemination; substitute schooling
§  Competence/Dominance: Role enactment; role reinforcement; substitute role portrayal; intellectual validation; authority exercise; gatekeeping; argument facilitation
(Lull 1990: 36)

Watching TV Soap Operas
A major focus for research into why and how people watch TV has been the genre of soap opera. Adopting a U & G perspective, Richard Kilborn (1992: 75-84) offers the following common reasons for watching soaps:
§  regular part of domestic routine and entertaining reward for work
§  launchpad for social and personal interaction
§  fulfilling individual needs: a way of choosing to be alone or of enduring enforced loneliness
§  identification and involvement with characters (perhaps cathartic)
§  escapist fantasy (American supersoaps more fantastical)
§  focus of debate on topical issues
§  a kind of critical game involving knowledge of the rules and conventions of the genre

Watching TV Quiz Programmes
McQuail, Blumler and Brown (1972) offered the following summary of clusters of 'uses' that people made of TV quizzes:
Gratifications of TV Quiz Shows: Selected Responses
Self-Rating Appeal
§  I can compare myself with the experts
§  I like to imagine that I am on the programme and doing well
§  I feel pleased that the side I favour has actually won
§  I am reminded of when I was in school
§  I laugh at the contestants’ mistakes
Basis for Social Interaction
§  I look forward to talking about it with others
§  I like competing with other people watching with me
§  I like working together with the family on the answers
§  The children get a lot out of it
§  It brings the family together sharing the same interest
§  It is a topic of conversation afterwards
Excitement Appeal
§  I like the excitement of a close finish
§  I like to forget my worries for a while
§  I like trying to guess the winner
§  Having got the answer right I feel really good
§  I get involved in the competition
Educational Appeal
§  I find I know more than I thought
§  I find I have improved myself
§  I feel respect for the people on the programme
§  I think over some of the questions afterwards
§  It’s educational
(McQuail, Blumler & Brown 1972)
Social class seemed to be related to gratifications here. McQuail et al. noted that most of those who watched quiz programmes for 'self-rating' gratifications lived in council houses and were working-class. 'Excitement' was most commonly reported as a gratification by working-class viewers who were not very sociable. And those who reported 'educational appeal' as the major gratification were those who had left school at the minimum age. John Fiske suggests that these could be seen as compensatory uses of the media 'to gratify needs that the rest of social life frustrates' (Fiske 1982: 136). In contrast, people who reported having many acquaintances in their neighbourhood tended to see the quizzes as a basis for social interaction.

Criticisms of ‘Uses and Gratifications’
The use of retrospective 'self-reports' has several limitations. Viewers may not know why they chose to watch what they did, or may not be able to explain fully. The reasons which can be articulated may be the least important. People may simply offers reasons which they have heard others mention. More promising might be the study of people's engagement with media as it happens.
Some degree of selectivity of media and content is clearly exercised by audiences (e.g. choice or avoidance of TV soap operas. However, instrumental (goal-directed) accounts assume a rational choice of appropriate media for predetermined purposes. Such accounts over-emphasize informational purposes and ignore a great deal in people's engagement with media: TV viewing can be an end in itself. There is evidence that media use is often habitual, ritualistic and unselective (Barwise & Ehrenberg 1988). But more positively, TV viewing can sometimes be seen as aesthetic experience in which intrinsic motivation is involved.
Definition
Ritualistic Viewing                  
Watching television what ever is on. One simply turns on the telly because one always does/
Instrumental Viewing
Watching Television is a selective purpose. You make active choices about what you watch.


U & G research has been concerned with why people use media. Whilst this approach sprang from 'mainstream' research in social science, an interpretive tradition has arisen primarily from the more arts-oriented 'cultural (and 'critical') studies'. The approach sometimes referred to as reception theory (or reception analysis) focuses on what people see in the media, on the meanings which people produce when they interpret media 'texts' (e.g. Hobson 1982, Ang 1985, Seiter, Borchers, Kreutzner & Warth 1989). This perspective tends to be associated with the use of interviews rather than questionnaires. Such interviews are often with small groups (e.g. with friends who watch the same TV programmes). The emphasis is on specific content (e.g. a particular soap opera) and on specific social contexts (e.g. a particular group of working-class women viewers).

Criticisms
This model perhaps allows audiences too much power and treats them too individually. It is perhaps too relativistic. This makes it difficult to ‘theorise’ the audience, because essential the audience is a collection of eclectic individuals.


Hypodermic Model

The Hypodermic Model



“Religion is the opium of the masses” Karl Marx

The Frankfurt school took a Marxist perspective and essentially applied it to mass media and what they called the culture industry.

This laid down the foundation for the ‘manipulative or instrumentalist’ position. Or what we can call the media centric position, that is that the media affect the audience.

Hypodermic model
Mass Media – Effects – Mass Audience

From this perspective all mass culture is identical.

History and Orientation
The "hypodermic needle theory" implied mass media had a direct, immediate and powerful effect on its audiences. The mass media in the 1940s and 1950s were perceived as a powerful influence on behavior change.

Several factors contributed to this "strong effects" theory of communication, including:
- the fast rise and popularization of radio and television
- the emergence of the persuasion industries, such as advertising and propaganda
- the Payne Fund studies of the 1930s, which focused on the impact of motion pictures on children, and
- Hitler's monopolization of the mass media during WWII to unify the German public behind the Nazi party


Core Assumptions and Statements
The theory suggests that the mass media could influence a very large group of people directly and uniformly by ‘shooting’ or ‘injecting’ them with appropriate messages designed to trigger a desired response.
Both images used to express this theory (a bullet and a needle) suggest a powerful and direct flow of information from the sender to the receiver. The bullet theory graphically suggests that the message is a bullet, fired from the "media gun" into the viewer's "head". With similarly emotive imagery the hypodermic needle model suggests that media messages are injected straight into a passive audience which is immediately influenced by the message. They express the view that the media is a dangerous means of communicating an idea because the receiver or audience is powerless to resist the impact of the message. There is no escape from the effect of the message in these models. The population is seen as a sitting duck. People are seen as passive and are seen as having a lot media material "shot" at them. People end up thinking what they are told because there is no other source of information.
New assessments that the Magic Bullet Theory was not accurate came out of election studies in "The People's Choice," (Lazarsfeld, Berelson and Gaudet, 1944/1968). The project was conducted during the election of Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1940 to determine voting patterns and the relationship between the media and political behavior. The majority of people remained untouched by the propaganda; interpersonal outlets brought more influence than the media. The effects of the campaign were not all-powerful to where they persuaded helpless audiences uniformly and directly, which is the very definition of what the magic bullet theory does. As focus group testing, questionnaires, and other methods of marketing effectiveness testing came into widespread use; and as more interactive forms of media (e.g.: internet, radio call-in shows, etc.) became available, the magic bullet theory was replaced by a variety of other, more instrumental models, like the two step of flow theory and diffusion of innovations theory.


Example
The classic example of the application of the Magic Bullet Theory was illustrated on October 30, 1938 when Orson Welles and the newly formed Mercury Theater group broadcasted their radio edition of H.G. Wells' "War of the Worlds." On the eve of Halloween, radio programming was interrupted with a "news bulletin" for the first time. What the audience heard was that Martians had begun an invasion of Earth in a place called Grover's Mill, New Jersey.
It became known as the "Panic Broadcast" and changed broadcast history, social psychology, civil defense and set a standard for provocative entertainment. Approximately 12 million people in the United States heard the broadcast and about one million of those actually believed that a serious alien invasion was underway. A wave of mass hysteria disrupted households, interrupted religious services, caused traffic jams and clogged communication systems. People fled their city homes to seek shelter in more rural areas, raided grocery stores and began to ration food. The nation was in a state of chaos, and this broadcast was the cause of it.
Media theorists have classified the "War of the Worlds" broadcast as the archetypal example of the Magic Bullet Theory. This is exactly how the theory worked, by injecting the message directly into the "bloodstream" of the public, attempting to create a uniform thinking. The effects of the broadcast suggested that the media could manipulate a passive and gullible public, leading theorists to believe this was one of the primary ways media authors shaped audience perception.

Other considerations

Sivlio Berlesconni – major media owner and Prime Minister of Italy

Tony Blair’s courting of the Murdoch press before being Elected to power in 1997. The famous Sun headline “It wos the Sun wot won it”

Hitler’s rise to power mentioned above – propaganda etc

Theorists

Often associated with the work of Katz & Lazarsfeld (1955) but I prefer to reference the Marxist thinkers of the Frankfurt School. See below for some key quotes and ideas.

The Frankfurt School

The products indoctrinate and manipulate; they promote a false consciousness which is immune against its falsehood.... Thus emerges a pattern of one dimensional thought and behaviour in which ideas, aspirations and objectives that, by their content, transcend the established universe of discourse and action are either repelled or reduced to the terms of this universe. (Marcuse 1968 pp 26-7)

The media, then define for us the very terms in which we are to think or not to think about the world.

The threat they embody is that they inhibit thought itself by inducing us to live, mentally, in a world of hypnotic definitions and automatic ideological equations which rule out any effective cognitive mediation on our part.

Marked differentations such as those of R&B or Jazz, or stories in magazines in different price ranges, depend, not so much on subject matter as on classifying, organising and labelling consumers.

The most intimate reactions of human beings have been so thoroughly reified that the idea of anything specific to themselves now persists only as an utterly abstract notion: personality scarcely signifies anything more than shining white teeth and freedom from body odour.

Within the social and cultural fabric of monopoly capitalism, however, art is said to have been deprived of its oppositional value.

So art - even the most subversive art - may be good for business, deprived of its critical value in being reduced to the level of a mere means for the self-reproduction of capital.
What might be called use value in the reception of cultural commodities is replaced by exchange value. The prestige seeker replaces the connoisseur.  No object has an inherent value; it is valuable only to the extent that it can be exchanged.

Technology acquires power over society ... this is the power of those whose economic hold over society is greatest.
No rejoinder technology has been devised there is very little private broadcasting. They are denied freedom, must accept organisation from above and are dubbed amateur.

The development of the culture industry has led to the predominance of the effect, the obvious touch and the technical detail over the work itself.

Summary

·         Control over the production and distribution of ideas is concentrated in the hands of those who own the means of production.
·         The views of this group are given a privileged position over other viewpoints and they come to dominate the thinking of the subject groups.
·         These dominant ideas play a significant role in maintaining the status quo, that is, they help to reproduce class inequalities.


Criticisms

This theory is seen as too deterministic.
Assumes the media speaks with one voice
Assumes the audience is a homogeneous Mass without individual consciousness.